 Aerial photograph of PRECINCT 1 |
Aerial photograph of PRECINCT 2
|
PRECINCT 1: DOCKSIDE & PRECINCT 2: NEW WATERSEDGE
The area in relation to the Cape Town setting, this geographical area fails and has ignored two basic dynamics of any city – its people; and its environment.
Despite the redevelopments of the Victoria and Alfred Waterfront, this area is not immediately accessible for most of the working and living population of the city. Harbour fences, unsightly buildings and elevated freeways are all responsible for the alienation of the city and the sea. There is a great need to regain the city and downtown waterfront connection, presently both severed and framed by the flyover freeway, it is the gateway to Africa.
Additional land area needs to be located for the expansion of the working harbour. It is foreseen that the Table Bay Harbour will become redundant as a commercial harbour, over the next 10-20 years as the new generation of ships will require a much larger harbour. Losing this economic base will have negative economic implications for the city, and thus harbour development should be considered in accordance with these expected changes.
As public access to the port needs to be suitably managed in the context of global security issues, control through means of locks would be necessary and could also allow for mitigation in respect of sea level rise and sea surges, due to climate change.
Whilst the design and implementation of the first two precincts would financially cost the most to achieve, this is also where the most (commercial) economic gains are to be achieved and higher rates and taxes to the city would be attainable, due to the improved property values - as can be seen through precedent studies like the San Antonio River Walk in Texas, USA.
The NEW WATERSEDGE channel and a reclaimed DOCKSIDE, allows for possibilities to navigate, promoting greater inter-connectedness of the city-region; and provides more diversity of transport opportunity within the GCTMA. Expansion of a boating infrastructure for navigable channels to connect the GCTMA is made possible by opening of a navigable seawater channel along the 100m wide Heerengracht to Duncan Dock, with canal connections from the Victoria and Alfred Waterfront to the CTICC; the station and castle moat. Water transportation should thus be considered in the development of Culembourg and the Foreshore.
A dockside market, beneath and between the Tablebay Boulevard highway, as an economic generator provides substantial space for informal trade in the city centre - currently the highways sever the city from the ocean, both functionally and visually. However being elevated, it provides accommodation through its existing structure. In this way the highway becomes 'invisible'. Successful examples of cities where the highway functions as the structure for the market place are to be seen at Praça 15, Rio de Janeiro and Pike Place Market, Seattle.
Afforded by the dual water system, is the linking of the following public urban spaces: Thibault Square; Merriman Square; Tulbagh Square; Pier Place; Theatre Square and the proposed Dockside Market - by providing irrigation of urban landscaping and water features. The roof structure of the market, between the highways should be designed to provide for an urban forest and food gardens, to supply the market. This would be irrigated by means of the grey water system. In addition, a spring water connection could provide public drinking fountains, together with CAMISSA loci and information way finders to assist in connecting these precincts to the broader city wide system.
Despite the redevelopments of the Victoria and Alfred Waterfront, this area is not immediately accessible for most of the working and living population of the city. Harbour fences, unsightly buildings and elevated freeways are all responsible for the alienation of the city and the sea. There is a great need to regain the city and downtown waterfront connection, presently both severed and framed by the flyover freeway, it is the gateway to Africa.
Additional land area needs to be located for the expansion of the working harbour. It is foreseen that the Table Bay Harbour will become redundant as a commercial harbour, over the next 10-20 years as the new generation of ships will require a much larger harbour. Losing this economic base will have negative economic implications for the city, and thus harbour development should be considered in accordance with these expected changes.
As public access to the port needs to be suitably managed in the context of global security issues, control through means of locks would be necessary and could also allow for mitigation in respect of sea level rise and sea surges, due to climate change.
Whilst the design and implementation of the first two precincts would financially cost the most to achieve, this is also where the most (commercial) economic gains are to be achieved and higher rates and taxes to the city would be attainable, due to the improved property values - as can be seen through precedent studies like the San Antonio River Walk in Texas, USA.
The NEW WATERSEDGE channel and a reclaimed DOCKSIDE, allows for possibilities to navigate, promoting greater inter-connectedness of the city-region; and provides more diversity of transport opportunity within the GCTMA. Expansion of a boating infrastructure for navigable channels to connect the GCTMA is made possible by opening of a navigable seawater channel along the 100m wide Heerengracht to Duncan Dock, with canal connections from the Victoria and Alfred Waterfront to the CTICC; the station and castle moat. Water transportation should thus be considered in the development of Culembourg and the Foreshore.
A dockside market, beneath and between the Tablebay Boulevard highway, as an economic generator provides substantial space for informal trade in the city centre - currently the highways sever the city from the ocean, both functionally and visually. However being elevated, it provides accommodation through its existing structure. In this way the highway becomes 'invisible'. Successful examples of cities where the highway functions as the structure for the market place are to be seen at Praça 15, Rio de Janeiro and Pike Place Market, Seattle.
Afforded by the dual water system, is the linking of the following public urban spaces: Thibault Square; Merriman Square; Tulbagh Square; Pier Place; Theatre Square and the proposed Dockside Market - by providing irrigation of urban landscaping and water features. The roof structure of the market, between the highways should be designed to provide for an urban forest and food gardens, to supply the market. This would be irrigated by means of the grey water system. In addition, a spring water connection could provide public drinking fountains, together with CAMISSA loci and information way finders to assist in connecting these precincts to the broader city wide system.
HISTORICAL RECORD OF THE OLD SHORELINE
There is more (written) historical information available on each slide, here.
HISTORY OF THE RECLAIMED LAND OF THE FORESHORE
Once known as Roggebaai - the Table Bay Harbour, today the reclaimed land of the Foreshore and Duncan Dock.
Space for city expansion was an increasing problem – the topography of the Cape Town amphitheatre, while determining the uniqueness and beauty of the city setting, imposed physical limits on the CBD and by the late 1930s, further lateral expansion seemed impossible. In 1938, the increasing demands on shipping facilities in Table Bay led to the construction of Duncan Dock. Because of the depth of water needed to build the new dock and the length of quay required, construction began half a mile out to sea. The dredged spoil was then dumped between the new docks and the original shoreline, resulting in a total of 194 hectares of reclaimed land. (In Susan de Villiers, 1985)
The aim of the Foreshore planning, according to the 1947 report, was to give tangible form to “the universally expressed hope that the Foreshore would be the means of creating a suitable and worthy gateway, not only to the Mother City, but to the country as a whole” - The Cape Town Foreshore Plan, 1947. Sadly, this is not what occurred.
The decade of the 1950s must be viewed as critical, in terms of the evolution of the central business district (CBD). The first half of the decade saw the growth in the commercial building sector; the latter, the implementation of the controversial Foreshore Scheme and the start of the city’s freeway system, which was designed to cater for the increasing traffic volumes entering the CBD. It is recorded that by “the late 1940s, 47 000 vehicles had been registered in the city”. (In Susan de Villiers, 1985:47) The City Council’s 10 year road scheme, sanctioned in 1958, was the most extensive programme of its kind ever undertaken in any city in South Africa. The aim was to enable traffic to circulate round the central city area – the ringroad has however never been completed. De Waal Drive and the Table Bay Boulevard were opened to traffic in 1959, the Eastern Boulevard in 1968 (renamed the Nelson Mandela Boulevard) and the northern bypass was effectively completed in 1977, although there remains a missing section.
FOUNDATIONS FOR A MODERN CITY
The built environment began to change worldwide. Architecture, influenced by the introduction of new materials, techniques and the growing lack of space in central cities, became increasingly vertical in its expression. The Township Ordinance No. 35 of 1934 made provision for joint town planning schemes, giving local authorities power over the development of estates and the subdivision of land. Cape Town City Council was to prepare a town planning scheme for submission. And in 1941 Cape Town’s first town planning scheme was promulgated – the first attempt to standardise and control the built environment by regulation. Based largely on the American concepts of functional ‘use-zones’ and ‘bulk’, the rationale of the scheme strongly weighted in favour of development rather than aesthetic, historical or social considerations. “In commercial areas, ‘bulk’ allowances were generous as the financial return on many buildings related directly to the size of the development and the norm was for the developer to occupy the maximum floor area at a minimum cost. In addition, the regulations prescribed the maximum number of storeys and maximum sheer height to the street, above which storeys had to be stepped back. These provisions promoted a uniformity of street façade; and this exacerbated by the fact that buildings may not overhang or protrude into the street, has resulted in the disappearance of balconies and colonnades from the city centre.” (In Susan de Villiers, 1985)
Had the whole of the CBD been built to the maximum limits allowed by the town planning scheme, the historical context and scale of the city would have completely disappeared. Similarly, in the suburban areas surrounding the city (for example the Upper Table Valley), zoning fell under the category of ‘general residential’, which provided for blocks of apartments of up to 7 storeys. The residential fabric of areas would have been destroyed had these allowances been exploited. In suburbs, like Gardens, which still retain a strong component of streets dating back to Victorian times, the loss would have been severe. As a residential zone, the city declined further as people moved to the suburbs and as people were forcibly removed to the Cape Flats.
The Apartheid policy made a real impact on the city of Cape Town. The Group Areas Act (Act No. 41 of 1950) provided the basis for the prohibition of racially mixed areas in South Africa. From a social stance, this Act affected the lives of every individual, public and private body in the country. Its impact and scale is apparent when considering that it took no cognoscente of previously existing and traditional property owning and renting rights. “…the Cape Town City Council, however, refused to co-operate with this instruction in any way, claiming that its responsibility was to its ratepayers, many of whom were coloured people with voting rights in municipal elections. There were also at this time coloured members on the City Council. Despite the removal of the national franchise in 1956, coloured people continued to be submitted to the municipal rolls until 1971, when new admissions were formally denied registration. The Council’s boycott of the Group Areas legislation was notable for its moral and political stance, but had no effect whatsoever on government policy”. (In Susan de Villiers, 1985) The government made a final proclamation in 1956, against which there was no appeal, deciding the fate of the Group Areas in Cape Town. A curious anomaly of the Act, was the Bo-Kaap. “An area of considerable historic importance for Cape Town, it achieved the single distinction of becoming the only exclusively Malay group area (the Malay Quarter) – in fact a unique racial category was declared for the purpose!” (In Susan de Villiers, 1985) In 1966, the historic coloured area of District Six* was declared a white group area, which caused protest, which to this day has not subdued. 66 000 Coloured people were forcibly removed and relocated. The area was razed and the rationale given by the Department of Community Development was that the area was a slum.
*In 1901, the first ‘slum clearance’ had occurred, which largely involved the removal of the black members of the mixed community who resided there - to Langa (Cape Town’s first black township).
The general movement of retail establishments away from the city followed an International First World Pattern. “Increased dependence on the motor car, changing residential patterns and the post war advent of the supermarket and chain store had done much to squeeze the small shop out of the city or out of business altogether. Today, the deep affection many Capetonians feel for the small specialist and ‘junk’ shops of Long Street, expresses far more than a mere sentimental nostalgia – it represents a real and human need for the intimacy of the corner shop; for the personal interaction of buyer with seller, of customer with customer in a society where shopping has become a sterile non-social event.” (In Susan de Villiers, 1985)
The construction of buildings, both on the Foreshore and in the old city continued throughout the 1960s. Stylistically, the Modern Movement became more dominant and a trend towards verticality continued, assisted by the increased sophistication of building technology. Fortunately for the city, this was also a period of growing concern for the rapidly disappearing architectural heritage of Cape Town and 1969 saw the formation of the National Monuments Council.
REFERENCE: Susan de Villiers: A TALE OF THREE CITIES, Produced by Murray & Roberts (Pty) Ltd., Creda Press, Cape Town, 1985.
Space for city expansion was an increasing problem – the topography of the Cape Town amphitheatre, while determining the uniqueness and beauty of the city setting, imposed physical limits on the CBD and by the late 1930s, further lateral expansion seemed impossible. In 1938, the increasing demands on shipping facilities in Table Bay led to the construction of Duncan Dock. Because of the depth of water needed to build the new dock and the length of quay required, construction began half a mile out to sea. The dredged spoil was then dumped between the new docks and the original shoreline, resulting in a total of 194 hectares of reclaimed land. (In Susan de Villiers, 1985)
The aim of the Foreshore planning, according to the 1947 report, was to give tangible form to “the universally expressed hope that the Foreshore would be the means of creating a suitable and worthy gateway, not only to the Mother City, but to the country as a whole” - The Cape Town Foreshore Plan, 1947. Sadly, this is not what occurred.
The decade of the 1950s must be viewed as critical, in terms of the evolution of the central business district (CBD). The first half of the decade saw the growth in the commercial building sector; the latter, the implementation of the controversial Foreshore Scheme and the start of the city’s freeway system, which was designed to cater for the increasing traffic volumes entering the CBD. It is recorded that by “the late 1940s, 47 000 vehicles had been registered in the city”. (In Susan de Villiers, 1985:47) The City Council’s 10 year road scheme, sanctioned in 1958, was the most extensive programme of its kind ever undertaken in any city in South Africa. The aim was to enable traffic to circulate round the central city area – the ringroad has however never been completed. De Waal Drive and the Table Bay Boulevard were opened to traffic in 1959, the Eastern Boulevard in 1968 (renamed the Nelson Mandela Boulevard) and the northern bypass was effectively completed in 1977, although there remains a missing section.
FOUNDATIONS FOR A MODERN CITY
The built environment began to change worldwide. Architecture, influenced by the introduction of new materials, techniques and the growing lack of space in central cities, became increasingly vertical in its expression. The Township Ordinance No. 35 of 1934 made provision for joint town planning schemes, giving local authorities power over the development of estates and the subdivision of land. Cape Town City Council was to prepare a town planning scheme for submission. And in 1941 Cape Town’s first town planning scheme was promulgated – the first attempt to standardise and control the built environment by regulation. Based largely on the American concepts of functional ‘use-zones’ and ‘bulk’, the rationale of the scheme strongly weighted in favour of development rather than aesthetic, historical or social considerations. “In commercial areas, ‘bulk’ allowances were generous as the financial return on many buildings related directly to the size of the development and the norm was for the developer to occupy the maximum floor area at a minimum cost. In addition, the regulations prescribed the maximum number of storeys and maximum sheer height to the street, above which storeys had to be stepped back. These provisions promoted a uniformity of street façade; and this exacerbated by the fact that buildings may not overhang or protrude into the street, has resulted in the disappearance of balconies and colonnades from the city centre.” (In Susan de Villiers, 1985)
Had the whole of the CBD been built to the maximum limits allowed by the town planning scheme, the historical context and scale of the city would have completely disappeared. Similarly, in the suburban areas surrounding the city (for example the Upper Table Valley), zoning fell under the category of ‘general residential’, which provided for blocks of apartments of up to 7 storeys. The residential fabric of areas would have been destroyed had these allowances been exploited. In suburbs, like Gardens, which still retain a strong component of streets dating back to Victorian times, the loss would have been severe. As a residential zone, the city declined further as people moved to the suburbs and as people were forcibly removed to the Cape Flats.
The Apartheid policy made a real impact on the city of Cape Town. The Group Areas Act (Act No. 41 of 1950) provided the basis for the prohibition of racially mixed areas in South Africa. From a social stance, this Act affected the lives of every individual, public and private body in the country. Its impact and scale is apparent when considering that it took no cognoscente of previously existing and traditional property owning and renting rights. “…the Cape Town City Council, however, refused to co-operate with this instruction in any way, claiming that its responsibility was to its ratepayers, many of whom were coloured people with voting rights in municipal elections. There were also at this time coloured members on the City Council. Despite the removal of the national franchise in 1956, coloured people continued to be submitted to the municipal rolls until 1971, when new admissions were formally denied registration. The Council’s boycott of the Group Areas legislation was notable for its moral and political stance, but had no effect whatsoever on government policy”. (In Susan de Villiers, 1985) The government made a final proclamation in 1956, against which there was no appeal, deciding the fate of the Group Areas in Cape Town. A curious anomaly of the Act, was the Bo-Kaap. “An area of considerable historic importance for Cape Town, it achieved the single distinction of becoming the only exclusively Malay group area (the Malay Quarter) – in fact a unique racial category was declared for the purpose!” (In Susan de Villiers, 1985) In 1966, the historic coloured area of District Six* was declared a white group area, which caused protest, which to this day has not subdued. 66 000 Coloured people were forcibly removed and relocated. The area was razed and the rationale given by the Department of Community Development was that the area was a slum.
*In 1901, the first ‘slum clearance’ had occurred, which largely involved the removal of the black members of the mixed community who resided there - to Langa (Cape Town’s first black township).
The general movement of retail establishments away from the city followed an International First World Pattern. “Increased dependence on the motor car, changing residential patterns and the post war advent of the supermarket and chain store had done much to squeeze the small shop out of the city or out of business altogether. Today, the deep affection many Capetonians feel for the small specialist and ‘junk’ shops of Long Street, expresses far more than a mere sentimental nostalgia – it represents a real and human need for the intimacy of the corner shop; for the personal interaction of buyer with seller, of customer with customer in a society where shopping has become a sterile non-social event.” (In Susan de Villiers, 1985)
The construction of buildings, both on the Foreshore and in the old city continued throughout the 1960s. Stylistically, the Modern Movement became more dominant and a trend towards verticality continued, assisted by the increased sophistication of building technology. Fortunately for the city, this was also a period of growing concern for the rapidly disappearing architectural heritage of Cape Town and 1969 saw the formation of the National Monuments Council.
REFERENCE: Susan de Villiers: A TALE OF THREE CITIES, Produced by Murray & Roberts (Pty) Ltd., Creda Press, Cape Town, 1985.
OPPORTUNITIES
PRECINCT 1: DOCKSIDE MARKET & PRECINCT 2: NEW WATERSEDGE
The area in relation to the Cape Town setting, fails and has ignored two basic dynamics of any city – its people; and its environment. Despite the redevelopments of the Victoria and Alfred Waterfront, this area is not immediately accessible for most of the working and living population of the city bowl. Harbour fences, unsightly buildings and elevated freeways are all responsible for the alienation of the city and the sea. There is a great need to regain the city and downtown waterfront connection, presently both severed and framed by the flyover freeway, it is the gateway to Africa.
The greatest asset of the Foreshore - unique to Cape Town, is the abundance of open land (virtually greenfields sites) within the inner city, served by an ease of vehicular access; abundant potential for parking provision in new buildings; views of the docks; the bay and the mountain.
The occupied area of this portion of the CAMISSA system, consists of over scaled buildings with great distances between them; a lack of adequate colonnades, canopies or other means of protection from the weather. Vast areas of 'dead' frontage and a monotonous, ignored streetscapes with their edges defined by parking lots. The vast empty tracts of land between freestanding buildings currently function as isolated parking lots. Formalized green space exists in the form of the planted island of the Heerengracht, which is mostly inaccessible to the public. The relatively long and narrow shape of the business core calls for a more explicit pedestrian link along its length, emphasized through tree planting and the use of general streetscaping elements to identify this area within the city; and as a vital link in the ecological and pedestrian framework as a whole. This is especially important as the intention for the creation of the Heerengracht originally, was as a processional way – it fails dismally in this regard as it goes nowhere, culminating in a dead-end beneath the undercarriage of the flyover.
Additional land areas need to be located for the expansion of the working harbour. In accordance with information from Transport Engineers and the City of Cape Town, the new generation of ships will require a much larger harbour. It is foreseen that the Table Bay Harbour will become redundant as a commercial harbour within the decade; and that Coegga will be developed over the next 10-20 years for this purpose. This will have negative economic implications for the city and thus harbour development should be considered in accordance with these expected changes. Public access to the port will need to be suitably managed in the context of global security issues, controlled through means of locks; and with regard to sea level rise and surges, due to climate change.
The idea of a NEW WATERSEDGE channel and a reclaimed connection to the bay allows for possibilities to navigate, promoting a greater inter-connectedness of the city-region, this would provide more diversity of transport opportunity within the Greater Cape Town Municipal Area (GTMA) - with the potential to decrease the carbon footprint. Expansion of a boating infrastructure for navigable channels to connect the GCTMA by opening of a navigable sea water channel of the Heerengracht into Duncan Dock, with canal connections from the Victoria and Alfred Waterfront, to the Cape Town International Convention Centre (CTICC), the Metrorail train station, the bus terminus and the taxi rank; and connecting the castle moat.
A new Heerengracht jetty (or main dock) connected to the existing transportation hub would improve navigable connections from other areas of the GCTMA e.g: Table View; Blaauwberg; Khayelitsha; Monwabisi; Strandfontein; Muizemberg, etc. And a subterranean navigable twin gracht below Adderley street, as water taxi to the Company Gardens would additionally add interest and provide economic opportunities - this is not an unusual idea, as current transportation to the new opera house in Paris is via the city's sewer. Waterway transportation should be explored and considered in the future development of Culembourg and the Foreshore, as this would mitigate against the foreseen sea surges, damages to property and sea level rise predicted by climate change.
Due to the reclaimed water resources, densification is made possible along the edges of CAMISSA; and their is greater capacity to expand the population of the inner city neighbourhoods of the Foreshore; Culembourg and District Six. This would assist in addressing the current 'sprawl city' model, particularly if these areas are to be developed with regard for environmental planning principles; sustainability and equality. In turn, to reduce the need for expansive utility infrastructure and service delivery. Mixed-use development (places of work and housing) for low and middle income groups, is proposed - as people living close to their places of work would reduce the current costs of some of the city's poorest inhabitants, who are spending a third of their income on transportation; in addition it would reduce the dependency on the motor vehicle, commuter travel time, and parking issues within the inner city.
A new DOCKSIDE MARKET as an economic generator could provide substantial space for informal trade in the city centre, utilising the currently 'lost space' beneath and between the highways. In addition the upper levels of such a market place, could provide for low-cost dwelling space within the confines of the Table Bay Boulevard, which currently severs the city from the ocean, both functionally and visually. However being elevated, it provides accommodation through its existing structure. In addition, the roof structure between the highways could be designed to provide for urban food gardens. Successful examples of cities where the highway functions as the structure for the market place are to be seen at Praca 15 in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil and at Pike Place Market in Seattle, U.S.A.
Afforded by the grey water system of RECLAIM CAMISSA, is the linking of urban landscape interventions through the irrigation system and water features, thus creating pedestrian connectivity between Thibault Square, Merriman Square, Tulbagh Square, Pier Place, Theatre Square and the new Dockside Market.
The greatest asset of the Foreshore - unique to Cape Town, is the abundance of open land (virtually greenfields sites) within the inner city, served by an ease of vehicular access; abundant potential for parking provision in new buildings; views of the docks; the bay and the mountain.
The occupied area of this portion of the CAMISSA system, consists of over scaled buildings with great distances between them; a lack of adequate colonnades, canopies or other means of protection from the weather. Vast areas of 'dead' frontage and a monotonous, ignored streetscapes with their edges defined by parking lots. The vast empty tracts of land between freestanding buildings currently function as isolated parking lots. Formalized green space exists in the form of the planted island of the Heerengracht, which is mostly inaccessible to the public. The relatively long and narrow shape of the business core calls for a more explicit pedestrian link along its length, emphasized through tree planting and the use of general streetscaping elements to identify this area within the city; and as a vital link in the ecological and pedestrian framework as a whole. This is especially important as the intention for the creation of the Heerengracht originally, was as a processional way – it fails dismally in this regard as it goes nowhere, culminating in a dead-end beneath the undercarriage of the flyover.
Additional land areas need to be located for the expansion of the working harbour. In accordance with information from Transport Engineers and the City of Cape Town, the new generation of ships will require a much larger harbour. It is foreseen that the Table Bay Harbour will become redundant as a commercial harbour within the decade; and that Coegga will be developed over the next 10-20 years for this purpose. This will have negative economic implications for the city and thus harbour development should be considered in accordance with these expected changes. Public access to the port will need to be suitably managed in the context of global security issues, controlled through means of locks; and with regard to sea level rise and surges, due to climate change.
The idea of a NEW WATERSEDGE channel and a reclaimed connection to the bay allows for possibilities to navigate, promoting a greater inter-connectedness of the city-region, this would provide more diversity of transport opportunity within the Greater Cape Town Municipal Area (GTMA) - with the potential to decrease the carbon footprint. Expansion of a boating infrastructure for navigable channels to connect the GCTMA by opening of a navigable sea water channel of the Heerengracht into Duncan Dock, with canal connections from the Victoria and Alfred Waterfront, to the Cape Town International Convention Centre (CTICC), the Metrorail train station, the bus terminus and the taxi rank; and connecting the castle moat.
A new Heerengracht jetty (or main dock) connected to the existing transportation hub would improve navigable connections from other areas of the GCTMA e.g: Table View; Blaauwberg; Khayelitsha; Monwabisi; Strandfontein; Muizemberg, etc. And a subterranean navigable twin gracht below Adderley street, as water taxi to the Company Gardens would additionally add interest and provide economic opportunities - this is not an unusual idea, as current transportation to the new opera house in Paris is via the city's sewer. Waterway transportation should be explored and considered in the future development of Culembourg and the Foreshore, as this would mitigate against the foreseen sea surges, damages to property and sea level rise predicted by climate change.
Due to the reclaimed water resources, densification is made possible along the edges of CAMISSA; and their is greater capacity to expand the population of the inner city neighbourhoods of the Foreshore; Culembourg and District Six. This would assist in addressing the current 'sprawl city' model, particularly if these areas are to be developed with regard for environmental planning principles; sustainability and equality. In turn, to reduce the need for expansive utility infrastructure and service delivery. Mixed-use development (places of work and housing) for low and middle income groups, is proposed - as people living close to their places of work would reduce the current costs of some of the city's poorest inhabitants, who are spending a third of their income on transportation; in addition it would reduce the dependency on the motor vehicle, commuter travel time, and parking issues within the inner city.
A new DOCKSIDE MARKET as an economic generator could provide substantial space for informal trade in the city centre, utilising the currently 'lost space' beneath and between the highways. In addition the upper levels of such a market place, could provide for low-cost dwelling space within the confines of the Table Bay Boulevard, which currently severs the city from the ocean, both functionally and visually. However being elevated, it provides accommodation through its existing structure. In addition, the roof structure between the highways could be designed to provide for urban food gardens. Successful examples of cities where the highway functions as the structure for the market place are to be seen at Praca 15 in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil and at Pike Place Market in Seattle, U.S.A.
Afforded by the grey water system of RECLAIM CAMISSA, is the linking of urban landscape interventions through the irrigation system and water features, thus creating pedestrian connectivity between Thibault Square, Merriman Square, Tulbagh Square, Pier Place, Theatre Square and the new Dockside Market.
PRECINCT 1: WHAT IS?
PRECINCT 1: WHAT COULD BE...
PRECINCT 1: WHAT COULD BE...
PRECINCT 2
PRECINCT 2: WHAT IS?
PRECINCT 2: WHAT IS?
PRECINCT 2: WHAT COULD BE...
PRECINCT 2: WHAT COULD BE...
110%GREEN
FLAGSHIP PROJECT
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WORLD DESIGN CAPITAL 2014
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© COPYRIGHT
ALL RIGHTS ARE RESERVED by THE RECLAIM CAMISSA TRUST No. IT 2882/2010.
The use of material on this page is permitted with acknowledgement of the source and prior written consent - contactable via [email protected]
ALL RIGHTS ARE RESERVED by THE RECLAIM CAMISSA TRUST No. IT 2882/2010.
The use of material on this page is permitted with acknowledgement of the source and prior written consent - contactable via [email protected]
